From the time of origin, the earth was exposed to different types of hazards and disaster from time to time. The earth, due to its internal structure, is prone to different types of natural disasters. They come in different frequency every year in most part of the world. Natural hazard is threat while disaster is an event. The disaster can be natural or artificially created by the different types of activities of human beings 1, 2, 3. Since the origin of the earth, due to different types of plate tectonic movement, the earth is exposed to different types of hazards. When the human civilisation came into existence, these events started affecting and became disaster for the human beings. Earth has very diverse type of climate, meteorological conditions existing above the surface of the earth along with it earth has very peculiar internal structure 4,
Natural hazards:- These are those hazards which occurs due to the natural forces like climatic forces, meteorological forces and earth forces. In these hazards the human being does not have any role to play. Some of the frequently occurring examples are:- Earthquakes, Volcanic eruptions, Cyclonic storms, Tsunami, Floods, Droughts, Landslides. Of these hazards, due climatic conditions and meteorological conditions are Cyclones, Floods and Droughts. While hazards due to internal Earth forces are Volcanic eruptions, Earthquakes, Landslides and avalanches, Tsunami 3, 8, 9.
From time to time, centre and state government may carry out mock exercise, review and update the plan as per the changing needs of the centre and state are the major stakeholders during the Earthquake disaster. They play important role in response, relief, recover and rehabilitate the Earthquake affected regions and the people. The national disaster management plan working under Ministry of Home Affairs, Govt. of India, works in consistent with the framework prepared by United Nations called Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015-2030, adopted at the third UN world conference in Sendai, Japan, on March 18, 2015 as a successor to the Hyogo Framework for action 2005-2015, which is a non-binding agreement. India is signatory to this framework 78, 79. The Sendai framework defines disaster risk management as the systematic process in using administrative decision, organisation, operational skills and capacities to implement policies, strategies and coping capacities of the society and communities, to lessen the impacts of natural hazards and related environmental and technological disasters 78, 79, 80. It comprises of all forms of activities including structural and non structural measures to avoid (prevention) or to limit (mitigation and preparedness) adverse effects of hazards. United Nations International strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) defines as a serious disruption of the functions of a community or a society involving widespread human, material, economic or environmental losses and impacts which exceeds the ability of the affected community or society to cope using its own resources 3, 74, 75, 81.
Later on, India, with the formation of legal framework under the Disaster Management Act, 2005, which defined disaster as a catastrophe, mishap, calamity or grave occurrence in any area arising from natural or manmade causes or by accident or negligence which results in substantial loss of life or human suffering or damage to and destruction of property to or degradation of environment, and is of such a nature or magnitude as to be affected area. At the centre level, overall coordination of disaster management vests with the ministry o home affairs. Also Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) and the National Crisis Management Committee (NCMC) are the key committees involved in the top-level decision making with regard to disaster management 74, 75.
Schools are the places where mass education about anything can be given to the students who are in their learning phase. When a student is educated at a school and when he/she comes out of the school, he discusses and spread all the knowledge which he has learned in the schools to the family and the community in which he is living or whose part he is. In India, Central Government for the first time allocated separate finances for the disaster and its management i.e., in Tenth Five Year plan 85. To fulfil the mandate of Central Government, the Ministry of Human Resource and Development, prepared the guidelines and asked all the board is boards to implement it at school levels in its curriculum, In 2006, Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) initiated and integrated a course related to the disaster management in the curriculum of schools. The reason behind including the course related to disaster management is being the proneness of our country. Nearly 85% of our country is prone to different types of natural and artificial disaster the curriculum contains different aspects of disaster and its management like type and nature of hazards, disaster, role of community and schools, use of technologies and things need to do to survive during occurrence and post disaster times 78, 80, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91.
Our findings indicate that the health-seeking behavior of the Andean households in this study is independent of the degree of availability of biomedical facilities in terms of quality of services provided, physical accessibility, and financial affordability, except for specific practices such as childbirth. Preference for natural remedies over pharmaceuticals coexists with biomedical healthcare that is both accessible and affordable. Furthermore, our results show that greater access to biomedicine does not lead to less prevalence of Andean indigenous medical knowledge, as represented by the levels of knowledge about culture-bound illnesses.
The most common health problems found at both sites are respiratory, gastrointestinal, parasitic, infectious, skin diseases, and labor complications [36, 37]. Andean medicine is an important health resource for the local population; it is performed by laypeople themselves, who are highly knowledgeable about medicinal plants and animals, and by specialists such as healers, bonesetters, and midwives [36, 37]. Most natural remedies are collected locally, but others grow outside the study sites and are bought at local markets (Figures 4 and 5).
Health-seeking behavior of households was investigated by means of open-ended interviews. Households were invited to explain their concepts of health and illness, describe the more common illnesses that occurred in their family, their symptoms and etiology, and explain their health-seeking strategies. Preliminary informal interviews at the study sites allowed us to identify three prevalent strategies in the communities: 1) self-treatment with natural remedies (medicinal plants, animals, and minerals); 2) consultation with an Andean healer; 3) visits to the health center. During the open-ended interviews, households were asked which of these three strategies they chose as a first option, and which they adopted as a second option if the first strategy did not work. They were also asked whether they used pharmaceutical or natural remedies (including plants, minerals and animals), and the types of remedies they preferred. In addition, households were invited to explain thoroughly their health-seeking choices and preferences and provide examples based on their own experience.
Contrary to what other researchers have shown , our findings suggest that the health-seeking strategies of households in Waca Playa and Pitumarca are basically independent of the level of access to biomedicine, except for some specific practices such as childbirth. At both study sites, self-treatment with natural remedies is undoubtedly the first strategy adopted. This finding is corroborated by other studies [18, 22, 47]. The difference observed in the second option for health care in Waca Playa and Pitumarca can be interpreted as follows: In Waca Playa, where the availability of formal health services is limited, households consult more with indigenous healers when they cannot rely on their own knowledge and use of natural remedies to cure themselves. Conversely, in Pitumarca, where biomedical health care is not only more accessible and affordable, but also imposes itself by coercive means, households rely less on indigenous healers. One reason for this difference is that households are compelled to go to the medical post: when adding the three households that reported this situation to the six that chose freely to consult a healer, we obtain the same figures as in Waca Playa. The other reason why these households rely less on healers is not because they do not trust in their capacities, but because they do not feel as much need for their help. Elsewhere we have shown that knowledge about medicinal plants was greater in Pitumarca than in Waca Playa , and we suggest that this superior knowledge makes people there less dependent on the knowledge of specialists in Andean medicine.
At both study sites, all 18 households used natural remedies such as plants, animals, or minerals to treat themselves. In addition, 14 also used pharmaceuticals, while the remaining 4 stated that they never used them. The results were identical in Waca Playa and Pitumarca.
Of the eleven households in Waca Playa that preferred natural remedies, four explained this preference by economic reasons, as pharmaceuticals were costly whereas natural remedies were free. Four said that natural remedies were more efficient in healing them. One household also mentioned that natural remedies were healthier, whereas pharmaceuticals were harmful. The three that preferred pharmaceuticals mainly used painkillers, stating that they were efficient and healed quicker than natural remedies. One household preferred pharmaceuticals owing to insufficient knowledge of natural remedies. 153554b96e